HISTORY ABOUT BIAFRA---PART 3

III.         The People

INTER-GROUP RELATIONSHIP

According to the last census conducted in November 1963 the population of the Republic of Biafra is 12.4 million, The figure has risen by the date of this publication to over 14 million following the crisis of 1966 in the former Federation of Nigeria and Which, as has already been mentioned, forced Biafrans in other parts of the Federation to take refuge in their home region. The present population of Biafra, therefore, equals the total number of people inhibiting the West African states of Togo, Dahomey, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Gambia put together. In the whole of Africa, Biafra is now the fourth largest in population, exceeded only by Nigeria, the U.A.R. and Ethiopia, and equaling Congo Kinshasa. However, her population density of about 500 persons per square mile is the highest in the whole of Africa. The significance of this factor in terms of economic development arid potentialities is obvious.



A tradition that has become generally accepted divides the population of Biafra into four main "tribes"; a division which accounts for ninety-eight per cent of the total population inhabiting the country, namely, the Ibos, the Ibibio-Efiks, the Ijaws and the Ogojas. But, in fact this is an over-simplification introduced by people foreign to Biafra. Until the above classification, the people of the territory did not live or regard themselves as homogenous "tribes" differing one from another; rather, they lived in towns and villages each of which regarded itself as distinct although in many cases linked to its neighbours by a mythical or real ancestor. Thus the people now known as Ibos thought of themselves as Awka, Bende, Aro, Ngwa, etc.; the Ibibio-Efiks as Uyo, Itu, etc.; the Ijaw as Okrika, Ibani, Kalabari, Nembe etc.; and the Ogojas as Ekoi, Akunakuna, Boki, etc.



In other words, the present Ibos, Ibibio-Efiks, Ogojas and Ijaws did not regard themselves as such until they were so classified by foreigners. For example, the word "Ibo" was probably derived from "Heebo" which, according to some European trader of the 19th century, was the name given by Biafran traders on the coast to the hinterland area where they traded. Subsequent European traders slightly changed the word to "Eboe" from which "Ibo" was derived. It should be noted, also, that the same Biafran traders on the coast differentiated between the "Ibo" in the hinterland and the "Kwa Ibo", that is, Ibos living on the Kwa river. The latter are now known as Ibibios. The traders, of course, were merely using the word "Ibo" as a general term for people living in the hinterland rather than for a tribe in the modern sense of the word. The term "Ibo" was applied by all the inhabitants of the Eastern Delta to those of the Western Delta and never to themselves. It is interesting to note also that the riverine groups on the banks of the lower Niger, Onitsha, Osomari, Oguta etc., refer to their hinterland neighbours as "Igbo", a term which they do not apply to themselves. Thus it would seem that modern tribal consciousness, represented by the application of the term Ibo, Ibibio, Ijo or Ogoja in Biafra, was fostered not by the people themselves but by foreigners who were ignorant of the intricate bonds which held the country together and who classified Biafrans according to their own linguistic and other criteria.



These bonds were woven from the earliest times when the territory was peopled. Archaeological evidence reveals that Biafra has been under continuous human occupation for at least 3,000 years and, as is now being discovered, that her people developed an ancient civilisation a thousand years ago, that is about half a millennium before the emergence of the Kingdom of Benin. Linguistic data also confirm the antiquity of the main languages spoken in the area. It seems, therefore, that the main groups of Biafra were indigenous to the territory and that contact among them has existed since primeval-times. This does not mean, of course, that the area was not touched, even in early times, by external influences. Naturally, populations on both sides of the Biafran borders have had cultural and other exchanges over the centuries. Thus the Delta city-states of Kalabari, Bonny, Brass, etc., have traditions which reveal an early Benin influence, while the riverine city-states of Onitsha and Osomari have some cultural affinities with Benin and Igala. More recently, of course, the entire area his come under the influence of Western civilisation. But while these external influences are significant, what is of paramount importance is the acculturation and inter-dependence which have taken place among the various indigenous groups within the area, and which have welded them together over the centuries.



One cause of the acculturation could be ascribed to the periodic movement of population from one area to another within the territory. Sometimes the movement was slow, took many years and involved very long distances. In some cases, however, it was fast and comparatively short. In either case the consequence was to bring new peoples into new areas and to open opportunities for cultural interaction and diffusion.



Another cause of the acculturation was the economic nexus which developed in the territory from very early times. Because the communities were interdependent economically, trade tended to flow in all directions and the constant meeting of people from various communities enabled each to learn, and sometimes to emulate, the customs or borrow the vocabulary of the other. For example, two of the most important articles of trade, salt and dried fish, were provided by the Delta communities who then received in exchange some of the farm products of the hinterland. As might be expected, the constant movement of traders through contiguous areas further encouraged mutual understanding.



The growth of the oversea trade in slaves intensified commercial relations within the territory and also fostered the integration of Biafra. The Delta, from where the slaves were exported, became a melting pot in which the "Ibos", "Ibibios", and "Ijaws" virtually lost their separate identities. New families and new ruling houses emerged from the admixture and modified the existing order. For example, among the Delta communities Ibo-speaking men rose to the exalted position of paramount ruler. An English trading captain, H. Crow, who visited the Delta in the late eighteen twenties, recorded that "the King of New Calabar (modern Kalabari) ..., and Pepple King of Bonny, were both of Ibo descent". At the same time liberated slaves who returned to their original homes in the hinterland to trade, introduced new ideas and practices. When the palm oil trade superseded the slave trade a further step was taken towards inter-community diffusion. The nature of the palm oil trade necessitated the establishment of colonies of people not indigenous to the locality, and their culture influenced and was influenced by the surrounding population.



It was not only trade that contributed towards the evolution of a homogenous Biafra in the precolonial era; there was also the contribution of the prevalent division of labour within the territory. Individual communities were noted and relied upon for specific skills. This encouraged their movement from one place to another during which the inter-dependence of all the communities was enhanced and emphasized. For example, the people of Awka were famed throughout the centre and north of Biafra as wood-carvers, while the Nri people supplied the priestly class so essential for the religious welfare of the surrounding communities. Southwards, there were the blacksmiths, of Nkwerre, the wood-carvers of Annang, the Item and Ibibio doctors, the warriors or mercenaries of Ohafia and Abam and the priests of Arochukwu. Thus it came to be generally accepted that one community supplied the wants of another and the tradition of mutual reliance and support, now characteristic of Biafrans, became established.



Mobility over the centuries depended on the intricate system of road and water communications which linked the whole territory together. Along these traveled the traders, the craftsmen, the itinerant priests, the medicinemen and the emissaries of the various communities. The most important markets in Biafra were held at specific, well-known intervals and were so sited that traders had to move from one part of Biafra to another.



It is probable that if a strong military power had arisen within the territory capable of subjugating the city-states and villages, a powerful nation under one political direction would have emerged before the advent of British rule as happened in other parts of the African continent. Such a political authority, however, was not necessary given the Biafran way of life. As will be seen below, relationships among Biafrans was moderated by matrilineal connections, and attitude to warfare was mild to the extent that combatants readily yielded to arbitration by third parties, or by the Long Juju Oracle of Arochukwu which was recognised as a final court of appeal by virtually all the inhabitants of Biafra.



One consequence of the process of acculturation was that groups emerged in the region which, although possessing certain dissimilarities in language, custom and tradition, yet retained many common links baffling to the foreigner in search of simple explanations and classifications. Inclined towards generalisations, the Europeans who penetrated into and later ruled Africa, found common names for groups of people with the greatest obvious similarities and labeled they as "tribes", "sub-tribes", "clans" etc. In place of the ever continuing cultural diffusion a process was set in motion which not only labeled groups but compartmentalised and isolated them. Thus groups of people became more self-conscious than they had ever been and learned to identify themselves with such "tribal" names as Ibo, Ibibio, Ijaw etc. This tendency grew with the consolidation of British rule and the introduction of "native" administration which emphasized the separateness of "tribes".



It could thus be seen that, comparatively, the current tribal labels are of very recent origin. Nevertheless, as a result of the spread of Western education, the names have gained wide acceptance. Furthermore, with the advent of self-government and the emergence of political parties, the skilful and often unscrupulous exploitation of the emotions associated with these labels has served as a useful tactic for securing electoral victories. The result has been to deepen the impression of distinctiveness already created by the universal acceptance of the labels.



However, while British rule and its immediate aftermath on the one hand, has tended to emphasize the "tribe", Western technology, on the other, has introduced new links which have contributed towards the political, social and economic integration of Biafra. The use of modern and fast means of transport, the growth of new cosmopolitan towns and the spread of Western education have had the effect of further blurring the differences between and enhancing the interdependence of the various communities. Differences in language have been largely overcome by the use of English, and any one with a smattering of that language can easily move from one corner of the nation to another without fear of being unable to communicate with the people he would meet. Furthermore, since Biafra never came under the influence of Islam the spread of Christianity has not caused such complications in religious belief as are often found in places where two vigorous foreign religions and cultures are superimposed on the indigenous religion. Finally, it should be pointed out that for nearly three-quarters of a century Biafra has been ruled as a single political unit and the vast majority of the population have grown accustomed to the fact of their political uniqueness as Biafrans.



POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SYSTEM



The extent of acculturation in Biafra is clearly demonstrated by the similarity in the political and social systems of all groups. Although the account which follows largely refers to the Period preceding colonial rule, it must be borne in mind that much of the political and social system discussed is still in vogue.



Each of the groups possessed central administrative and judicial institutions, and power as well as authority was based not on birth but on wealth, status and age of the individual or individuals wielding them. Ultimate pourer, however, did not reside in the central authority, which consisted essentially of a federation of politically equivalent segments, but in the segments themselves.



Usually the government of the community was entrusted to a Council of Elders who were heads of the component segments known either as compound, hamlet or ward. The council was presided over by a head who must be acceptable to all and who was, in a political sense, a first among equals. The Council of Elders was not really a legislative body but an informal body which met as the occasion arose. Its primary function was to take decisions on weighty matters  affecting the whole community, such as the declaration of war and peace, the settlement of serious internal disputes which otherwise might wreck the solidarity of the community, and the regulation and performance of rituals aimed at safeguarding the welfare of members of the group.



The day-to-day affairs of the segment rested with the Elder (variously called Okpara, Etubom, Ete Ekpuk etc.). He wields political, judicial and religious authority, arbitrated in internal disputes and represented the group in its external relations with others. His authority was generally accorded chiefly because he was recognised as the intermediary between the group and its ancestors,



Throughout Biafra there has always been an identical attitude to law and custom. Both were inextricably bound together and were believed to have been handed down to the people's ancestors by the gods. Thus anyone who violated those laws not only incurred the displeasure of the living but also the anger of the ancestors as well as of the gods. This attitude towards law helped in minimising anti-social behaviour. Sometimes it was necessary to make a new law, and for that the consent of the entire community had to be sought; a practice which was relatively easy on account of the small size of each group. This traditional process of general participation in the act of law-making provided, for the young and old alike, vital education in the principles of the existing social order. Subsequently, the law was ratified by the Elders and given divine sanction by sacrifice and by invoking the approval of the ancestors. It is this element of popular consent and direct participation in the enactment of laws which attracted the attention of foreign visitors to Biafra and led them to conclude rightly that Biafrans were ultra-democratic, highly individualistic and disliked or suspected any form of external government and authority.



In the sphere of social relations, Biafrans had a common attitude to marriage. Marriage was not regarded in any part of the country as an affair between two individuals, a man and a woman, but between the whole family of the man and that of his prospective spouse. Betrothed girls in most parts of the territory usually went into a period of seclusion sometimes known as the "fattening" period. Custom encouraged the man to look for a bride outside his lineage (exogamy) not only because this increased the population of the lineage but because it created an external alliance, sealed in blood relationship, which widened the contacts of relatives on both sides. By this means a member of a, lineage became connected with the lineage of his of his mother or wife or sisters, and vice versa. He could thus traverse in peace vast distances merely by passing through areas inhabited by his in-laws. If he was a trader the advantage of this arrangement was obvious and in this sense it could by said for Biafrans that trade followed the wife. The system of marriage also had political implications because, although in the pre-colonial era them was no single political authority recognised throughout Biafra, the ties of marriage ensured relative peace and a sense of common belonging.



There were three other social institutions prevalent in Biafra which demonstrated the extent of her cultural homogeneity. Firstly, there was the institution known as the "Age-set" or "Age-grade". Males born in the same year or within a specified number of years were grouped together to form one ago-set. These sets were organised on village bases but each unit could, and often did, maintain close ties with an identical unit in neighbouring villages. The status of the age-set in the community increased with ago. Often when the members attained the age of between 12 and 15 it was formally recognised, took a name and appointed a leader. Age-sets rendered such services to the community as the clearing of paths, cutting of forests, and the defence of the village. They imposed self-discipline on their members and could punish them for any laxity in behaviour. In many cases women were also organised in age-sets and these might contribute to a common fund for mutual assistance and usually acted as pressure groups within the community.



The second institution was the title society. Membership of these societies was secured not by birth but through age and individual merit as represented by the ability to make the appropriate payments in cash and in kind. Usually these societies were open only to the free born, but among the Delta communities slaves who were able to afford the initiation expenses could readily become members. It was common for such societies to be graded in an ascending order of seniority which also conferred increasing privileges and status. Membership could only be gained according to the stipulated order and after the requisite rites had been performed.



Lastly, there were the secret societies, a large number of which still exist. In many cases title-holders were associated with specific secret societies, and the two institutions thus tended to coincide. In other cases, however, the two were separate, with secret societies constituting a larger group to which every full member of the community could be admitted. One of the most common of these societies was the Ekpe (also known as Egbo, Akang, Ekpo etc.) which also corresponded to the Owuogbo of the Delta in its functions. These secret societies were used to uphold the legal decisions of the Council of Elders or of the community as a whole, they also ensured conformity in certain rituals and in social behaviour and undertook certain public works for the community. Membership of some secret societies and knowledge of their signs (for example Okonko) served as a passport for the initiate while travelling in distant places where a lodge of the society existed. This, in a way, helped to foster social integration within tine country.



In the religious sphere, there has always been an element of homogeneity in Biafra. As already stated, Islam never touched even the borders of the territory. The result has been that until the advent of Christianity in the nineteenth century all Biafrans followed the religion of their ancestors. There existed a universal belief in a Supreme Deity (variously celled Chuku, Chineke, Abasi etc.) which resided above and was the source of creation, life and fertility. Apart from the Supreme Deity, it was also believed that there were other lesser gods of thunder, sun, wood etc., as well as spirits which were divided into the good and the evil depending on their supposed attitude towards the individual or the community as a whole. The cult of the "Earth" spirit was one of the most important in Biafra. This deity was regarded as the mistress of the underworld and the cult of the ancestors was closely associated with it. Some of the more serious crimes such as murder, adultery, poisoning and stealing farm products were regarded as offences committed against the Earth deity. Laws were enacted and oaths sworn in her name so that reverence for the Earth Spirit became one of the integrative forces for most communities.



With the introduction and spread of Christianity most of the traditional deities have been abandoned and Christian beliefs have supervened. The change has also advanced the integrative effects of indigenous religion by providing a basically uniform system of beliefs which pervades social and political thought and practice throughout Biafra.